The article below is from an email from Sharon Tennison, President of the Center for Citizen Initiatives, an American NGO that conducts programs to assist Russian entrepreneurs. She wrote this from St. Petersburg.
The big questions in all Russia watcher's minds these days are, 
"What is Putin up to?",  "Is Putin really an authoritarian who is 
turning Russia back to totalitarianism?", "What are we to make of 
Putin's recent decisions?"
I've just returned from Moscow, where I had the most interesting and 
most high-level group of meetings ever.  It happened mainly because I 
was able to get in touch with some specialists in Moscow who have 
grown in prominence since I was last in contact with them.
In any case, this fact conspired to allow me interviews with several 
well-known Russians who, to my surprise, have had recent meetings 
with Vladimir Putin concerning Russia's economy, media, corruption 
and the reforms.  None of them are in the government; all could be 
said to be "informal advisors" or at least respected by Putin for 
their specific expertise.  They don't consider themselves supporters 
or non-supporters of Putin - rather independent thinkers and 
analysts.  None had had discussions regarding the Ukraine events 
since these exploded after the last time they met with Putin.
I won't mention names since for the most part they are my friends, 
but rather I will try to give a short summary of discussions with 
them regarding their take on the situation in the Kremlin and Putin's 
recent decision making.  First, they are honest people and 
specialists, given to deep and penetrating analysis, not cover-ups or 
sensationalism. I didn't mention any of my discussions with other 
appointments to them.   To my knowledge none of them know each other 
well, if at all, but certainly by name.  All  believe instinctively 
in democratic principles and healthy globalism.
The general picture they give is that Putin is in an extremely 
precarious place now, even though he still enjoys phenomenal 
popularity with the masses despite the beginnings of his social 
reforms; that his experience in Germany and his ability to speak 
German fluently (therefore understanding European  culture and 
thinking) deeply impacted his basic concepts regarding democracy and 
free markets; that without doubt Putin is still a reformer at heart; 
but the challenge is "how" to make it work in Russia, a nation of 
endemic corrupt practices and citizens with little to no experience 
with democratic principles and institutions.  This includes everyone 
in the chain of power from local district heads, to regional 
governors, up to and including the State Duma.
Russian specialists in Moscow think tanks have, as it turns out, 
pondered these governance issues, some for 25 years.  One said that 
in 1971, they and their institute looked at all the nation's 
parameters and knew that the USSR was economically doomed. They began 
studying the experience of other nations for conversion to a 
different form of government by  making exploratory trips to other 
countries which had stepped from a centralized top-down economy to a 
free market economy; e.g. Chile and others.  It wasn't until the 80s 
that Putin was put in Germany where he observed daily, the pluses and 
minuses of closed and open societies.  But the average Soviet on the 
street was still immersed in communism and felt it would last forever 
- while top leadership carried on as long as they could with blinders 
in place. Gorbachev finally began to tear the blinders off.
Putin's current choices and dilemma as explained to me:  In 
his first term, he had to clean out as much of the Yeltsin influence 
as possible.  Putin appointed to chief posts, lawyers he  knew 
personally, perhaps thinking they could be trusted and would be the 
brightest and best able to deal with legislative changes.  However, 
it was pointed out to me that Russian lawyers aren't known for 
creative thinking, that for the most part they think "in the box" 
and Putin's choices have been no different. He has been disappointed 
with their thinking and actions and at present is using them less and 
depending more on his own instincts.  No president can afford to do 
this for long, given that one person's instincts for  a whole nation 
cannot produce reliable decision making. This situation is of deep, 
deep concern for those with whom I spoke.
I would also add an all-important point to my mind and that is: Putin 
came to office in his first term without a constituency... unlike 
presidents of other countries who are swept in by hoards of bright 
and not so bright people.  Putin had no party which elected him; 
indeed, he had to get rid of the prevailing power that brought him to 
the presidency -  the oligarchs who ran the Kremlin under Yeltsin. 
That he was able to wrench their hands  from the steering wheel of 
the state and personally survive, was a feat that I and others didn't 
believe he could accomplish.  For the most part, he has succeeded and 
is still alive - something of a miracle since these super rich are 
reported to have been involved with contract killings, etc.
So Putin had no built-in support system when he came to power, no 
wide knowledge of who to select for the many posts which required new 
heads during his four years.  He's been ridiculed for stacking 
Russia's appointee seats with University friends from StPetersburg 
and former members of the KGB with whom  he had worked.  While not 
wise, what would any do in similar predicament?  We would most likely 
choose those we knew and thought we could trust.  As for the old 
guard in Russia, there were precious few, if any, who he could trust.
None of those I spoke with last week think Putin is personally "power 
hungry." It seemed to them a ridiculous question to ask and was 
brushed off.   They  believe he wants the best for Russia and that he 
wants Russia to be integrated into the world of free nations.  None 
believe that he wants a return to rank authoritarianism.  All believe 
he is in a harrowing spot trying to figure out "how" to get from 
where the nation is today to where it needs to go, but not knowing 
the means to get there, whom to trust to help -  and is working in 
near isolation at this juncture. This is both tragic for him and 
dangerous for Russia.
I'd like to add another personal comment which to my mind complicates 
Putin's task as president and that is the behaviors and practices of 
Russia's citizenry.  We assume that Russian and Western citizens are 
alike, that we think alike, that we reason alike.  For the most part 
we do.  On the educational and intellectual end, Russians in general 
surpass Americans educationally and in classical culture.  However, 
there is one small but very decisive aspect of their public and 
collective experience which has a near void.
This  includes the very crux of what it takes to create a civil 
society:  a near void in the impulse of citizens to unite, the 
willingness to stand up publicly for change; the inclination to 
challenge authorities; the stomach to run for public office to change 
things; the willingness to take on informal leadership; the 
experience to organize and facilitate effective ad hoc meetings; the 
ability to lead or to accept leadership from each other; the capacity 
to trust one another.  This void is understandable; they have had no 
practice, no models in these spheres.  For three generations, even 
centuries,  any of these attempts were punished by imprisonment and 
even death.  However, in combination, they vastly complicate Russia's 
ability today to move toward democratic behaviors and institutions, 
and local self governance.  Any country's executive leadership needs 
a viable, strong collective voice from the bottom up to inform and 
balance executive power.  There is a Russian proverb that says 
something like, the Tsar who doesn't listen to boyars is damned... 
The question of freedom of the media comes up here, and yet it is 
more than that.  People uniting creates voice, developing and 
lobbying societal needs, business needs, gets attention.  This void 
must be filled by Russian citizens themselves.
Hopefully the current experience of assertiveness by citizens in 
Ukraine,  whether Russians agree with Ukrainians goals or not,  will 
provide Russians with a model and embolden them to see what can 
happen when citizens unite and stand for what they believe they 
deserve.
One important aspect to acknowledge:  Russians who have developed 
businesses, those who help facilitate the building of business 
sectors (like CCI offices across Russia's regions), and those who 
have had out-of-country experience, tend to have much better 
understanding of what's needed to develop civil society and have  a 
readiness to stand up and be counted, than do those who haven't had 
this combination of experiences.
Thanks to all of you who have hosted Russian entrepreneurs in your 
businesses, homes and communities where they have been able to fill 
in the blanks left by their near unique history - which they aren't 
responsible for - but nonetheless needs to be replaced by a more 
open, assertive society if Russia moves to its rightful place in the 
21st century.  Thanks also to the Department of State which has 
helped fund PEP and other CCI programs and recently has worked 
diligently to help CCI move the PEP program into perpetuity.
I'm told that Putin is currently putting together a "public 
chamber" to try to stimulate innovative thinking and  input from 
high-level professionals across Russia, thus providing additional 
brain power at the top.  It is said that the chamber will be composed 
of volunteer specialists with no remuneration, cars, dachas or 
privileges.  They will have revolving term limits.
Monday, December 06, 2004
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